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Women translating science in the Spanish Enlightenment

The aim of this paper is to present my provisional results on the role of women in the scientific enterprise of the Spanish Enlightenment.
Elena Serrano 21/12/2009

The Ladies and the Orphanage
The Ladies and the Orphanage

The aim of this paper is to present my provisional results on the role of women in the scientific enterprise of the Spanish Enlightenment. I will briefly discuss the translations of four women well-known at their time, Catalina Caso (f.1755), Josefa Amar (1749- 1833), Lorenza de los Ríos , Marquise of Fuerte Híjar (fl. l768-1817), and Josefa Pacheco, Marquise of the Espeja (fl. 1785-1805). They translated respectively a pedagogical treatise from the French Charles Rollin (1661-1741), The way to study,1755 [1] ;  an agricultural treatise addressed to clergymen by the Italian Francesco Griselini (1717-1783), Discourse on the implication of Clergymen in the instruction of peasants, 1783 [2];  a scientific biography, The life of the Count Rumford, 1802, and the Étienne Bonnot de Condillac’s (1715-1780) innovative philosophical treatise on language and algebra, The language of Calculus (1805) [3]. Caso lived during the central years of the century; Amar, the marquise of FuerteHíjar and the Marquise of Espeja lived on the hectic times of the French revolution.
First, I will present Caso’s work. Her celebrated translation contributed to shape women’s  role as educator of “citizens”. It also contributed to open the market to educational science books for children. I will turn next to describe the scientific activities of a women society, the Junta de Damas, (or Ladies Committee).  Almost forty women from all around Spain, including Amar, the marquise of FuerteHíjar, and the marquise of Espeja, collaborated in this Committee. The Junta established a network actively engaged in social reforms, in tune with the reformist agenda of the Enlightenment. Their translations and works must be interpreted in this context.

1. Woman ‘s social role as citizen’s educator

Catalina de Caso was the daughter of a high-ranking military engineer (brigadier). Accompanying her father in his travels to England, Germany and France, Caso mastered the three countries’s languages.  In the biography included in her translation, we are told that she was as good in feminine labors as in mathematics, geography, Latin, military architecture or painting[4]. In 1755 she published the translation of The way to teach and study, almost twenty years after it was published in France[5].  The French author, Charles Rollin (1661-1741) had been rector of Paris University and professor of Rhetoric. His works on history were widely known in Europe[6] and were translated into Spanish soon after Caso’s translated his Way to teach[7]. 
Rollin followed Fenelon and others pedagogues of the late XVII century in promoting a new way of teaching. The study must be a pleasure; the tutor has to take advantage of the natural curiosity of his pupils, and they must be encouraged to actively participate in the learning process. Those methods were thought to ensure a good disposition for learning throughout one’s life. However, the final goal of instruction is to fund moral values, as it was said from the very title of the book. In this sense, he conceived the study of history and natural philosophy as a moral guide which ultimately reinforces religious beliefs and virtues. Although Rollin only devoted sixty pages of the four volumes to natural philosophy, he outlined there an original plan for teaching science and values through informal conversations. He distinguishes between the physics of the wise people, the study of heavens, and the physics of the children, the physics of the garden and lakes (animals, plants, minerals, etc.). This genre, the instructive conversation about Nature, was to be repeated over and over in youth books. Just let me quote one, the best-seller Espectacle de la Nature[8] (1733-1750) written by the French abbè Pluche (1688- 1761), a close friend of Rollin, which was translated into Spanish at about the same time as Caso did her translation.  And both translations of Pluche and Rollin were praised by the most read and influent Spanish writer of the century, the Benedictine friar Feijoo[9]. 
Caso wrote down her own opinions in the dedicatory epistles to the first and third volume, and in a long preface, where she stressed the necessity to stimulate in children Christian virtues while preparing them against pernicious vices. She dedicated her work to Barbara de Braganza, the learned spouse of king Fernando VI (1746-1759). 
Just two words about Fernando’s reign.  The royal couple and their ministers made great efforts to present the new reign as a peaceful, prosperous time for the arts and sciences[10]. Besides funding and supporting scientific and pedagogical institutions, the couple promoted luxurious feasts, concerts, operas, etc. Traditional women habits that secluded them in their households, and put them, in respectable silence, physically apart from men, keeping their eyes modestly down, etc. were now  ridiculized and were construed as rude and old-fashioned[11].  In contradistinction, “modern” women (of course, we are talking of well-standing classes) were supposed to look straight into the eyes, be cultivated, smart in conversation; must stroll along the Prado walk; go to the theatre, operas or concerts; and  must have a saloon [12].  The changes in the social and cultural habits of the Spanish women during the Enlightenment have been exhaustively studied[13].  I only want to point out that along with this relative increase in women’s freedom, there also came changes in the women’s role within the family.  Her role as a co-educator or even first tutor of her children and her moral responsibilities were enhanced. As mothers gained a new role as an educator of youth, the question of what a women must learn in order to do her job better became a hot issue. The debate about women’s education involved many other hotted debates about women’s intellectual abilities, the female “nature”, women’s public responsibilities, suitable lectures for her, etc. They prompted a huge number of publications by moralists, politics, journalists, economists, doctors—and even by some women.  Amar herself published in 1790 an informed, and accurate treatise on the way to educate girls, physically and morally (instruction) [14].
 
2. Women as Natural Sciences Teachers

Caso recognized the importance of education in the welfare of a nation. A proper education makes good citizens, faithful to their king and nation, engaged in public welfare, and good Christians[15].  She did not discuss women’s abilities or which topics are best suited for their education.   However, she made use of subtle strategies to demonstrate that they talents are potentially equal to men[16].  For example, when explaining that it is easy to make children learn anything if proper techniques are used, Caso put the example of a girl, who could easily learn French, Italian or Spanish. And she continued explaining how children can learn, through conversation with their parents, “…the marvelous compound of the Universe. The ingenious fabric of the human machine. The diverse and amazing properties of  animals and insects […][17]”.   Her own biography, as a testimony of what a good education can do, was included in the first volume. 
Most educational lectures for children published all over the century in Europe feature a mother or a female tutor[18].  I would like to stress that these lectures offer a different image of women and girls than the treatises do. The female characters are well-acquainted with scientific novelties.  Highly involved in their children education; they employ amusing ideas for learning, etc.  Not only the fictional characters, but also the public image of the real female author and the potential female audience are highly regarded. For example, when the tales of the Mme de Genlis, Les veillées du chateau were translated in 1791, the translator, Fernando de Gilleman, changed the title to “The Castle evenings or very useful novels for family mothers, to instruct their children, by joining doctrine with fun[19].  In the preface, he dedicated beautiful words to Mme Genlis. He outlined that, above all, she is mother, and as such, she will accomplish in the education of her children better than any wise or instructed man[20].  Fernando de Gilleman dedicated his translation to the Junta de Damas, which he claimed to represent  “the Body of all the Ladies of the kingdom” [21].  The list of subscriptions includes the names of Josefa Amar, the Marquis of FuerteHíjar, the Marquise of Espeja, etc.

3. The Junta de Damas: A Scientific Academy?

The exciting history of how the Junta de Damas was born is well-known by Spanish feminist historians. In the 18th century, Spain never had a central or national scientific society like the English Royal Society or the French Académie des Sciences. Instead, since 1765 local associations, named Societies of Friends of the Country  flourished all around the country. They gathered politicians, noblemen, learned laymen and clergymen. They aimed to solve the problems of the country by means of the novelties coming from abroad. They studied the so called “economic philosophers”, who proposed measures for improving trade (Condorcet, Condillac, Baron de Bielfeld), agriculture (Duhamel, Rozier, Reaumur), manufactures, or policies addressed to the poor, like the Count of Rumford (Benjamin Thomson). Rumford was praised in Spain for inventing an “economic” kitchen to save carbon and a nutritive soup.  Almost all the Spanish periodicals devoted from time to time some pages to the recipes of an “economic soup” or “soup a la Rumford” [22].  The Friends of the Country [amigos del país] extracted and translated treatises on mineralogy, fertilizers, medicine, chemistry: issues that they claimed were of public utility. They also set up schools for boys and girls to learn a trade; they advised the crown on technical issues, censured publications, etc. 
Around 1786, one of the most prestigious in Spain was the Madrid based Economic Society. It had more than 200 male members and one woman, the royal protégée Isidra Quintina, who had earned two years earlier a doctorate in Modern Philosophy at the University of Alcalá de Henares. She was not the first woman fellow of an Economic Society.
In fact, Josefa Amar had been admitted in the Aragon Society few years before (1782) in recognition for her translation of the four volumes of the Jesuit Xavier Lampillas on Spanish Literature. Amar was the daughter and niece of famous doctors and the Court. Her father had provided her with prestigious tutors, who taught her Latin, Greek, French, English, Italian, Grammar, Geography, History, Mathematics[23], and her erudition gained public recognition.  However, both of them were considered to be exceptional personalities. 
The intellectual contribution of Quintina is still under debate, but there is little doubt that she opened the doors of the Madrid Economic Society to women. Her fellowship arose a public heated debate on the convenience of generalize the presence of women.  Discourses in favor or against by the powerful ministers Jovellanos and Cabarrús, and also by Josefa Amar, were published in the widely read newspaper, Memorial Literario. The debate, which has been exhaustively studied, reveals a lot about the then prevailing views on the female “nature” and women’s role in the public sphere. I just want to stress that the contribution of Amar, On defense of women’s intelligence and their aptitudes for government and others employments for men  was a passionate defense of the rights of women to participate in the construction of the country[24].  
As is well-known, eventually the king resolved to settle an independent female society for women of recognized “merit and honor”, called the Junta de Damas.  It was to deal specifically with “proper issues” for women, such as girl’s education, textile manufactures and infants care.  Its secretary had to report regularly to the male Economic Society.  On Fridays, at 5 p.m in summer and at 4 p.m. in winter, the Junta de Damas met regularly in the Council house.  By 1800, almost 40 women belonging to the aristocracy from all around Spain were members of the Society[25]. 
 Most of them were well-known in Spanish intellectual community, such as the marquise of FuerteHijar.  She directed a very popular salon in Madrid regularly attended by scholars and politicians, and even by famous actors and actresses.  It also received the visit of celebrated philosophers such as Alexander von Humboldt when they passed by Madrid.  She herself wrote a play, never published, The indiscreet wise woman and a discourse to the Queen[26].  Was it possible to keep such a meeting of powerful women under male control?

4. The Ladies and the Orphanage
In their meetings, the “women friends of the country” provided information on  new techniques for bleaching textiles; they assessed machines; they supervised velvets and cottons from artisans all through the country...., They also controlled the schools set up for poor girls to learn spinning and embroidering; they gave prizes to the best pieces; sought for raw materials, teachers, etc. But perhaps, the best example of how they worked is to be found in their involvement with the improvement of life conditions in the orphanage for newborns (Inclusa).The ladies of the association repeatedly asked the king to gain control of this institution.  Finally, in 1799, the management of the inclusa, including its economy, was put in their hands. Due to lack of hygiene, poor feeding, infectious illness, lack of wet-nurses, etc., the child mortality rate was above the 90%  Besides humanitarian considerations, such high child mortality rate was perceived as a serious economic problem in a country of only 11 millions of inhabitants. There was a lot of contemporary literature dealing with this issue, like Destruction and conservation of the abandoned child. Brief Method for populating Spain, or the one by Joaquin Uriz [27]. The last Director of the Inclusa, José de Vilches, had just looked for more money. The ladies, besides this, introduced new theories on feeding and hygiene. They improved the conditions and changed the eating habits of wet-nurses (the milk was thought to have medical properties depending on the feeding of the nurses). They looked for methods for alternative baby feeding; they reorganized the nursing room and ordered the cleaning of the floors with vinegar (a disinfection agent); they set up two daily visits by the doctor; they forbid treatments not authorized by themselves; they bought new mattresses, new nappies and established the proper way of dressing the babies; they settled up a medical garden, etc.  We have a letter sent by the Marquise del Llano from Vienna, to the association, where she reported a new method for feeding babies and drawn up a feeding-bottle (see figure). The Ladies considered it of such public interest that they sent the report to the Protomedicato, the countrie’s higher medical board.  

4. The domestication of science: Women and Chemistry

 The official newspapers accurately informed of the women’s activities. In the Gazeta de Madrid of December 28 th of 1790, we read a rather striking episode. The marquises of Campofuerte and of San Andres, commissioned by a women association named “The Ladies of the Jails”, (Las Señoras de las Cárceles)  accompanied by the chemistry professor of the surgery school, Gutiérrez Bueno, took samples of the air in the cells of the three women jails in Madrid. They brought them to Gutierrez lab, analyzed them, found it to lack a proper content of oxygen and prescribed a campaign of air purification. During twenty days, they fumigated some cells with lavender; sprayed others with pure vinegar, and still others with a solution 50% vinegar. Then, they took up samples again, analyzed them, and concluded that the best way for purifying the air was the solution of vinegar.  We have no time to detail all that the “Ladies of the Jail” did for the imprisoned women in the three jails in Madrid.  I only want to stress that, as the Junta de Damas did (most of them belonged to both institutions), they used new scientific discoveries, new technologies and new pedagogical theories for the public benefit. 
The chemical fellow, Gutiérrez Bueno, was well-known in aristocratic circles[28]. Gutiérrez was a usual collaborator of a periodical of the late Enlightenment, The weekly agricultural paper for clergymen (1797-1808) [29]. The aim of the publication was to fight against the fact that:  “In Spain, the country men don’t read, and the readers don’t plough”, so it explained techniques to priests in the hope that they would translate it to their parishioners.  The periodical enjoyed a large diffusion[30].  Engaging the priests in the modernization of the country was not new.  As we have seen before, Josefa  Amar translated  Francesco Griselini’s work in 1783.  The weekly agricultural paper for clergymen was supervised by the Botanical Garden, and contained excerpts from Lavoiser, Bertholet, Erasmus Darwin, Duhamel, Franklin, Reamour, Buffon, etc. and the Spaniards Cavanilles, Viera y Clavijo, Gutiérrez, etc.  The authors also encouraged their readers to contribute, and so we find letters of priests, travelers, or artisans from all around Spain.  In 1802, it started the translation of a one-hundred-page long chemical treatise addressed to women[31].  Its author claimed that a learned curious woman must know chemistry, “the language of nature”.  It explained the composition of air, the condensation of water, the way to measure caloric, combustion, fermentation, the new nomenclature of acids and alkalis, etc.  Although it was mentioned that it was a translation of an “Italian small work”, it may have come from Gutiérrez Bueno himself.

5. The connection with European women

  Besides this interesting connection of clergymen, women and scientific institutions I would also like to point out the links with the European women.  In volume 12 of The weekly agricultural paper for clergymen it appeared a complete Botanical treatise dedicated to women: Principles of Botany dedicated to a Lady[32]. There, the marquise C. asked a botanist friend to explain her the principles of that science, in order to proper instruct her little 12 years old daughter Matilda[33]. It was a very complete treatise on Linneus’s classification and the way to describe accurately the different parts of the plant. The author regretted that women didn’t attended the lectures at the Botanical Garden, as it happened in others countries; but he encouraged the marquise and her daughter to learn how to describe a specimen, so that they could help in identifying new varieties[34].  The references as how European women are implicated in science are frequent in the The weekly agricultural paper[35].
It is in that sense that I want to briefly comment the translations of the Marquise of Espeja. Her first work was a treatise on Moral Philosophy, by the Italian Francesco María Zanotti in 1785. In the prologue, she recommended the work especially to women[36].  Zanotti (1692-1777) has been the secretary of the Bologna Academy of Sciences. He was a popularizer of the Cartesian and Newtonian theories. He was friend of the mathematicians Laura Bentivoglio Davia (1698-1761), Laura Bassi (1711-78) and an ardent admirer of the algebrist Faustina Pignatelli  (d.1785) [37].  He also wrote a brief treatise on Natural Philosophy to instruct a Lady[38]. The fame of the Italian women mathematicians surely had arrived to Spain. At least, we know that Amar recommended, in her own book for the education of women (1790), the Italian treatise Trattato degli studi delle donne, were the author praised the napolitalian women Barbapiccola and Pignatelli. We don’t know much about the life of the marquise de Espeja, but perhaps, her wish to translate the The language of the calculus of Condillac (1805) has to do with this spiritual connection with Italian mathematicians[39].
 
6. Conclusions

In spite of the marginal role that has been allocated to Spanish women in scientific practices generally, there is strong evidence that they participated in crucial areas of the Enlightenment agenda. The two areas that I have begun to investigate are the pedagogical and the social.  Women were legitimated to write, talk and read about natural history, botany, chemistry, etc. to teach the youth. At the end of the century, women had a prominent role, as author, translator, audience, and character in a well-established educational genre intended for children.  Women contributed to modify pedagogical methods, the concept of family, and the moral values associated to the sciences that, among others, make the home a suitable place to learn and the mother a suitable teacher. There are excellent works in the international scholarship addressing this issue, but the Spanish case has not been studied yet.
The other area investigated is their social activities. Since 1787, it functioned in Spain a kind of women academy of sciences, which joined together the elite learned classes. They were responsible for orphanages, jails, girls-schools and textile manufactures. Their members investigated, discussed, circulated, appropriated and wrote about the scientific issues needed to do their social task properly. They also utilized the media to legitimate themselves:  periodicals, prestigious teachers, the translation of useful treatises or of popular scientist’s biographies, science institutions, etc.  More information is needed to precisely address their achievements, the connection of their activities with the reformist agenda the Enlightenment politics or with their European counterparts.
                                                          

[1] Rollin, Charles. De la maniere d' enseigner et d' etudier les Belles Lettres (1726).  Rollin has gone more than twenty editions in France. It was translated Modo de enseñar las Bellas Letras. Para ilustrar el entendimiento y rectificar el corazón. Madrid, Impr. del Mercurio, 1755.
[2] Discurso sobre el problema de si corresponde á los parrocos y curas de las aldeas el instruir á los labradores en los buenos elementos de la economia campestre.  Zaragoza, Blas Miedos, 1783.
[3] La lengua de los cálculos. Escrita por el Abate Condillac. Impresa conforme a los manuscritos Autógrafos. Obra postuma y elemental, en la que las observaciones hechas sobre los principios y progresos de esta lengua, se demuestran los vicios de las vulgares, y como podría reducirse en todas las ciencias el arte de discurrir a un idioma bien formado. Madrid,  Imp. Ruiz, 1805.
[4] The biography was written by D.Antonio Joaquin de Rivadeneyra, and was included in the first volume.
[5] In French, De la maniere d' enseigner et d' etudier les Belles Lettres: par rapport à l'esprit & au coeur,  better known as the Traité des études (1726-32).
[6] xxxx
[7]Histoire ancienne, Histoire de Rome, Manners and Customs of the Egyptians, History of Sciences.
[8] The translation was done by a Jesuit profesor of Mathematics in a collage for nobles, the Real Seminario de Nobles, in 1752-55., Esteban de Terreros. It went through three editions more.
[9] In Cartas eruditas y curiosas, letter XXIII  (July, 1759),  Feijoo recommended the translation “that the illustrious Lady Catalina de Caso made”. Not only because of the effectiveness of the method of Rollin in the teaching of the first letters, but because of the “ingenious way” to teach the moral virtues. 
[10] In the mere twelve years of monarchy, they visited and gave funds to the Real Seminario de Nobles (a Jesuit institution for educating the noblemen, where Terreros gave lessons); created the Royal Academy of San Fernando to popularize the new style of “good taste”; contracted distinguished European scholars, funded an Astronomical Observatory, a Botanical Garden, schools for surgeons and marines.
[11] In baroque Spanish houses, there were places specially design for women in the saloon. There have a little fence, which separated from the rest, with small chairs were women could sit to make broidery.
[12] See for example: Bolufer, Mónica. “Neither male, nor female: Rational Equality in the Early Spanish Enligtenment. In: Sarah Knott and Barbar Taylor (ed.), Women, Gender and Enlightenment.  Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005, pp 389-409; Bolufer Mónica. “La encrucijada de la Ilustración. Transformaciones culturales. Luces y Sombras”. In: Isabel Morant (ed.), Historia de las mujeres en España y América Latina. V. II. Madrid: Cátedra, pp. 477-512; Palacios Fernández, Emilio. La mujer y las letras en la España del XVIII. Madrid, Ediciones del Laberinto, 2002; Martín Gaite, Carmen. Usos amorosos del dieciocho en España. Barcelona: Lumen, 1981.
[13] Morant, Isabel. Amor, matrimonio y familia. Madrid : Síntesis, 1998.
[14] Discurso sobre la educación física y moral de las mujeres. Madrid: en la imprenta de D. Benito Cano, 1790.
[15] “Good citizens, lovers of  their king and nation, careful with the public goodness, charitatives with “Buenos ciudadanos, amantes de su Rey, y de su Patria, zelosos del bien común, justos, pacíficos, y caritativos con el proximo, y en una palabra, verdaderos discípulos de Jesu-Christo”. [16] She utilized moral arguments to defend the instructions, as “Knwoledge make beautiful “ “El saber hace hermosa el alma”. She also quoted Feijoo: “el entendimiento instruido se distingue del inculto como el diamante colocado en la joya del que yace escondido en la mina”.
[17] “El estudio de la Filosofía natural no es menos divertido y gustoso que el de la Historia. La maravillosa composición del Universo. El artificio con que está formada la máquina del hombre. Tantas y tan divertidas propiedades como se enseñan en los animales y los insectos. La diversidad de las plantas y de las flores. Las virtudes de las hierbas. Los varios Minerales de Metales y las piedras Preciosas, y sus calidades.”
[18]Condillac pedagogical essay was translated; re-edited Fenelon’s, a version of the Rosseau’s    
[19] O historias sumamente útiles para que las madres de familia a quienes las dedica la autora puedan instruir a sus hijos juntando la doctrina con el recreo.
[20] “Y por esto su obra es superior a la de cualquier hombre por sabio e instruido que sea; porque éste sólo escribe por especulación y aun cuando tenga alguna práctica nunca llega a lo que una Madre logra quando ella misma educa a sus Hijos, mayormente si tiene talento y reflexión, prendas que no creo que nadie sea capaz de disputar a la Autora de las Veladas de la Quinta”.
[21] “Dedico estas novelas con el mayor afecto y veneración a la Respetable Sociedad de Señoras unidas a la Sociedad Matritense, como representantes de todo el Cuerpo de Señoras del Reino”.
[22] Examples in La Gazeta de Madrid, Semanario de Agricultura dirigido a los párrocos, or Memorial Literario,
[23] Her two tutors were Antonio Bermejo y Rafael Casalbón (official of the Real Library); her grandfather was a very close friend to the Spanish pedagogue Francisco Pastor Ábalos, which dedicated to him one of his books, New brief and easy method to teach the most difficult Latin Grammar treatise to the youth”. 
[24] Discurso en defensa del talento de las mujeres y de su aptitud para el gobierno y otros cargos en los que se emplean los hombres. Memorial Literario, nº XXXIII, agosto. (There are many modern editions, for example, Catalín. De Rita Barrenecha y otras voces de mujeres en el siglo XVIII. Vitoria-Gasteiz, Gráficas Santamaría, 2006. Also in: http://www.ensayistas.org/antologia/XVIII/amar-bor/
[25] Marquesa de Sonora, Marquesa de Montijo, Marquesa de Espeja, Duquesa Condesa de Benavente, Marquesa de Santa Cruz, de FuerteHíjar…, and of course, the Princesses
[26] La Sabia indiscreta, mss. .
[27] Destruccion y conservacion de los Expósitos: Idea de la perfeccion de este ramo de policia; modo breve de poblar la España, y testamento de Antonio Bilvao.  Antequera : [s.n.], 1789.  Or Uriz y Lasaga, Joaquín Javier. Causas prácticas de la muerte de los niños expósitos en sus primeros años: remedio en su origen de un tan grave mal: y modo de formarlos utiles a la Religion, y al Estado, con notable aumento de la poblacion, fuerzas, y riqueza de España. Pamplona: Imprenta de Josef de Rada, 1801. 2 vol.  The author calculated 6 child abandonned in 1000 inhabitants.. Vol. I, p.83-85.
[28] Among others, he studied with Viera y Clavijo in the lab he maintained in the Marquise de Santa Cruz house. He introduced the new chemical nomenclature in Spain, and in his lab in Alcalà’s street he gave public lessons. Eventually, he came to sell portable air-purifying machines that fit in a pocket, very convenient when visiting the sick.
[29] Semanario de Agricultura dirigido a los párrocos.
[30] The powerful minister Godoy had made it almost an obligated subscription in the parishes and in the Economic Societies.
[31] Volume X. The Title was Compendio de Química acomodado a la instrucción de las mujeres. 
[32] Principios de Botánica en cartas a una Señora.
[33] It is an exhaustive methode for learning the Linneo classification.
[34] There are more through the perodical,
[35] And also in many other publication, for example, in the translation of Fontanalle’s Entreetiens,  which happened in 1796.
[36] “It is not strange that a women made this translation, because it can lead to our instruction. (italics in the original),  because to all of our sex is very convenient the study of Moral Philosophy” . “No es extraño que una mujer haga esta traducción […], ya que “esta obra puede conducir a nuestra instrucción. Digo a nuestra instrucción porque también a todas las personas de nuestro sexo es convenientísimo el conocimiento de la Filosofía Moral.”
[37] Findlen (1995).
[38] Ragionamiento sopra la Filosofía
[39] Condillac was a best-seller in Spain. His logic has been translated five times before 1820. As he has been the tutor of the Queen to be, the Spanish censure would have got in trouble if trying to prohibit his works. The aim of Condillac’s innovative postume work was to seek for a universal language for moral sciences, as unambiguous as the algebraic notation. 




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